I thank Enrique del Risco Sr. Deborah Cohn and Matthew Guterl provided key mentoring advice at multiple points during my time in Bloomington and helped me grow as a scholar and as a human being. This project benefited at a crucial stage from my dialogues with fellow participants in the Variations on Blackness Faculty Seminar held at Indiana University in — At Northwestern University, I have been lucky to find a community of like-minded colleagues whose friendship and intellectual engagement with my work has been vital to me in the last stages of this project.
I am indebted to Reginald Gibbons for his detailed and sub- stantive comments on the manuscript, and to Jorge Coronado and Josef Barton, who have been not only the most generous of interlocutors but also the most supportive of chairs. This book could not have been written without the help of the numer- ous friends and colleagues who contributed to the conception and real- ization of this project.
I owe Gerard Aching a particular debt of gratitude, not only for introducing me to the work of Lydia Cabrera but also for his astute interventions and unfailing support at various moments dur- ing the writing process. They know this work almost as well as their own. I am particularly grateful to Jacqueline Loss and James J. Pancrazio for their thoughtful comments on the manuscript, and to Guillermina De Ferrari, who offered numerous helpful insights and suggestions in the fi- nal stages of revision.
I would also like to thank my editors at University Press of Florida: While not directly involved in the writing process, my parents, James Maguire and Betty Hayzlett, and my brother Stephen kept me going with their unconditional love and support. Finally, I thank Lola, who was there at the beginning, and Idaho, who is here at the end. I wish to thank the following individuals and institutions for permis- sion to reprint or reproduce the following materials in this book: In all other cases every effort has been made to locate possible copy- right holders or to acquire necessary permissions.
Ortiz was a public intellectual in the full sense of the term. Born into a well-to- do Creole family in Havana, he was raised in Cuba and Spain, complet- ing his education, including a PhD in law, in Madrid. His lengthy and productive career began with the twenti- eth century and lasted into the first decades after the Revolution of He aimed through his scholarly and intellectual work to improve the understanding of Cuban culture and promote its celebration. Ortiz was also one of the first Cuban scholars to undertake a study of Afro-Cuban culture, and to explore the question of how to incorporate blackness within the space of the nation.
In addition to founding the journals Archivos del Folklore Cubano Archives of Cuban Folklore, — , and Estudios Afrocubanos Afro-Cuban Studies, — , the first—and only—journal to focus exclusively on the study of Afro-Cuban culture, Ortiz was the author of one of the earliest ethnographies of Afro-Cuban religion, Hampa afrocu- bana: Los negros brujos Afro-Cuban Underworld: Tobacco and Sugar, , is an exploration of the role of tobacco and sugar in shaping Cuban history and society that also highlights the relationship of race to these commodities.
In later interviews, Cabrera declared that she began to write stories based on Afro-Cuban tales to entertain de la Parra, who was ill with tuberculo- sis. Shortly after publishing one of the first collections of Afro-Cuban short stories, Cuentos negros de Cuba Afro-Cuban Tales, in France, she began a serious—and lifelong—study of Afro-Cuban religious practice. Cabrera and Ortiz articulate their different portrayals of Afro-Cuban religious culture in part through the ways that they construct their texts, and the structuring devices themselves provide Ortiz and Cabrera with ways of locating Afro-Cuban practices—and through them, blackness— within the national space.
Thanks to the influence of positivist thought, Ortiz views Western, modernizing societies as engaged in a pro- cess of historical evolution. As a result, his analysis emphasizes historical development and makes use of a temporally structured narrative. At the same time, as Alfredo Cesar B. Cuba , between point of origin and place of arrival Old World vs.
Beginning her ethnographic investigation several decades after Ortiz, Cabrera structures her study and her ideas about race around ideas of space and containment, centering her text both organizationally and thematically on el Monte the Bush , the physical and symbolic center of Afro-Cuban religion. In addition to being the location of many plants and herbs in the Afro-Cuban pharmacopeia, el Monte was also traditionally the place in which maroons—escaped slaves—sought refuge.
It is thus the location of the material elements of an Afro-Cuban religious practice, and a zone whose isolation from Cuban society the plantation system makes it representative of freedom. Her mapping of these spaces of Afro-Cuban religion enables her to simultaneously incorporate radical ethnographic methodologies and to uphold conservative ideas of social structure, painting a portrait of Cuban society in which different races and cultural narratives coexist in relations of unequal power.
Her texts accord Afro-Cuban culture its own place, but they also trace the limiting social boundaries that serve to contain it. Certainly it was not an intimate familiarity with his subject. With the exception of nineteenth-century travel narratives and histori- cal descriptions of African slaves in Cuba, prior to Cuban independence there existed little scholarship dealing with Afro-Cuban religious tradi- tions.
Once Cuba became an independent nation, this positioning shifted, as the new narratives of identity that were being constructed came into contact and conflict with the documentation of actual racialized cultural practices. Early interest in Afro-Cuban culture, however, was often driven by ideas of racial superior- ity, in particular eugenics. In arguing that human identity was profoundly shaped by biology and heredity, eugenics supported the belief that social and racial hierarchies were biologically determined, that some individuals and races were biologically superior.
Eugenics and criminology were popular among white intellectuals in Cuba, beginning in the nineteenth century and extending into the first decades of the twentieth. White and black Cubans had shared both public and domestic space during the colonial era, often in situations of significant intimacy. Once Cuba achieved inde- pendence, Cuban anthropologists found themselves studying people who were now their fellow citizens.
Los negros brujos reflects the shift in discussions of race and social sci- ence methodology that these concerns for national narrative produced. It is my contention, however, that the narrative of Cuban culture that Ortiz will develop in his later texts is already visible in Los negros brujos. As in his later texts, however, his concern in this first study is the creation of a narrative that will adequately serve to simultaneously link and yet separate Cuban and Afro-Cuban identity. Yet his anxiety over how to conceptualize Cuba as a nation—and the place of race within it—reveals itself in the tensions between temporal and spatial modes of narration that run through Los negros brujos.
His desire to create a coher- ent national narrative creates a conflict in his work between subsuming the question of blackness into an idea of racial hybridity and recognizing and understanding the uniqueness of Afro-Cuban culture itself. On the first page of Los negros brujos, Ortiz in- cludes a letter from Cesare Lombroso in Turin, Italy addressed to Or- tiz himself. Lombroso, today known as the father of criminology, was one of the most famous social scientists of his day, at a time when criminology was seen as an important branch of anthropological practice.
I have received your manuscript, have read it, and judge it to be of extraordinary interest, so much so that I beg you to allow me to use your studies on suicide in blacks, Afro-Cuban criminality, and the crime of grave-defiling in my journal Archives of Psy- chiatry. Los negros brujos was published just five years after the Platt Amendment barely released Cuba from being a U. In these first early years of the Republic, Ortiz was not alone in his desire to make Cuba a nation that could measure up to any nation in Europe. This was, in part, the result of centuries of colonialism, which had engi- neered both the country and its population to be dependent on Spain.
Yet these writers also saw Cubans themselves as morally weak, indolent, and self-indulgent. The result is that today, after twenty-three years of republican life, we are still in a state of stagnation with respect to previous heights. As a Cuban writing for Cubans, Ortiz views Afro-Cuban culture as important for the ways in which it can be used to illuminate a particular understand- ing of national identity.
By viewing Afro-Cuban culture through the lens of European scien- tific progress, Ortiz, like other Latin American writers before him, locates Cuban identity and, along with it, Cuban modernity within the dialectic of civilization and barbarism. He begins by sketching out the large historical context into which he will insert his own observations, and within which he can place and develop his look at Afro- Cuban culture, choosing to begin with a description of the various racial and ethnic elements that make up the Cuban underworld and distinguish it from its European counterparts.
He sketches the historical develop- ment of Cuban society from a racial perspective, from the first Spanish colonizers to the present day. In this way, anthropological factors combined with social factors to determine the characteris- tics of Cuban criminal life. What stands out in this statement, however, is the centrality of Cuba; the island as a space of encounter seems to take precedence over cultural or racial attributes in shaping Cuban criminal society. By narrating the historical origins of Cuban underworld cul- ture, Ortiz highlights the way in which Cuban culture is interconnected to other cultures, again reinforcing that an interest in his study should extend beyond a Cuban readership.
A dense stew of civilization bubbling on the Caribbean hearth. In the first chapter of Los negros brujos, Ortiz has not yet made the full shift from talking about race to talking about culture, but he takes pains to ensure that his readers will remain aware of the nature of Cuban cul- ture as a whole, even as they read about certain of the more sensational aspects of one of its parts.
He points out that one reason for choosing to focus his study on Afro-Cuban crime is that Afro-Cuban culture has given the Cuban underworld some of its most distinguishing characteristics: The first chapter of Los negros brujos thus focuses on Cuba as a site of racial mixing and cultural encounter. Cuba is the stewpot, the meta- phorical site of this process.
Africa is a point of origin and will also serve as a point of comparison throughout his study , and Ortiz presents fetishism in Cuba as having followed a historical trajectory marked by both slavery and the trans-Atlantic journey. It is thus a practice that has survived both the influences of other cultural and religious expressions, and the forces of historical circumstance: Even if time and hardship have failed to alter its practices, Ortiz locates the arrival of fetishism in Cuba within a historical narrative.
Its origins are not only in another continent, but also in another time. In his description of fetishism, however, Ortiz does something slightly different. He identifies the religious practices as primitive by virtue of their temporal isolation and failure to adapt and progress , while presenting Cuba as a unique space distant from the ori- gins of those practices, where Afro-Cubans may implicitly progress. The distinction between people and practices allows Ortiz to uphold a posi- tivist vision of progress for Cuban society while describing a people who are other within the nation.
Despite his insistence on the uniqueness of the social, historical, and cultural factors that have helped to make Cuban society what it is, Ortiz portrays Cuban culture—and Afro-Cuban culture in particular—as intel- ligible primarily when viewed through other cultures, both African and European. In describing the individual orichas Afro-Cuban gods , for example, we learn not only about the na- ture of these deities within Cuba, but also the equivalent saints of each oricha in Brazil.
Ortiz takes many of the origin myths of the orichas from A. His comparative ap- proach locates the genesis of Afro-Cuban religion within a narrative of world history and cultural development, but it also makes his enterprise a doubly translative one, since many of the conclusions that he draws about the practices of Afro-Cubans are in fact speculations about the Cuban context based on the observations of scholars working in different cul- tural environments, no matter what their similarities.
Beyond this narrative of cultural origins, Ortiz approaches Afro-Cuban religious tradition as a system of practices, and he proceeds to explain the system by describing the relationship of its parts to each other and to the whole. Once he has described how the religion came to be, he moves on to a basic discussion of each of the orichas, their relationship to each other, and the rituals and ritual objects associated with each one. Like someone attempting to record the grammar of a language, he is concerned with the accuracy of detail, since each detail will relate to the whole in a specific way.
This historical- comparativist narrative is also at odds with other, more intimate scenes in the text that return us to the particularities of the Cuban environment. Moments of intense description, literary in both their creative use of language and the subjective perception they display, surface suddenly, seeming to burst through the developmental trajectory he wishes to es- tablish. Take, for example, this description of dancing during religious ceremonies: Having arrived at this moment, the dancers give themselves up to the sexual irritation, the rhythm, the music, the dancing, etc.
In Los negros brujos this is in part a result of the fact that Ortiz had done very little of his own research, yet if we look at his later texts, written after Ortiz had had ample opportunity to inter- view informants, the same tone and textual persona can be observed. While Los negros brujos alternates principally between historical over- view and descriptions of the kind discussed above, there are in fact sev- eral secondary narratives that run through the text: As a result, the reader is left with very little to help him or her interpret the stories that may be behind these arrests. In sketching out a clear discussion of the origins of Afro-Cuban religion and faithfully detailing both oral literature and material artifacts, Ortiz seems to feel that he is giving as clear as possible a presentation of these cultural prac- tices.
But both his descriptions and these newspaper articles point to how much remains unsaid, and imply the wealth of stories, beliefs, and experi- ences that are waiting to be interpreted. Ortiz introduces this neologism as a new way to accurately explain the processes of cultural exchange, adaptation, and synthesis that happen in an encounter between two cultures. Now, instead of a stew, we get a detailed accounting of the various stages and kinds of mix- ing, as transculturation highlights the process—the action—rather than the resulting product.
As a concept, transculturation indicates the probable op- erations in a cultural encounter, but not the possible outcomes. Ortiz begins by establishing what appears to be a series of dichoto- mies: Yet these contrasts and separations begin to give way to gray areas, as these qualities seem to mix, change, and double back on one another: El tabaco no cambia de color, nace moreno y muere con el color de su raza.
Tobacco does not change its color; it is born dark and dies the color of its race. Sugar changes its coloring; it is born brown and whitens itself; at first it is a syrupy mulatto [who, being dark, abandons itself to] the common taste; then it [bleaches and refines itself] until it can pass for white, travel all over the world, reach all mouths and [be paid more].
How- ever, even this metaphorical dichotomy does not last. Yet by this point, he has already staged a kind of literary, metaphorical demon- stration of the ways in which transculturation operates through his de- scription of the changes in the production and consumption of tobacco and sugar. Yet the Contrapunteo also shares many aspects of its approach and structure with Los negros brujos.
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Both texts begin by emphasizing a historical narrative, and by sketching a broad panorama, before moving on to detail the specificities of particular aspects of material culture. By focusing on the ways in which material products can travel and change, Ortiz avoids a direct discussion of racial miscegenation, of saying what happens to racially identified groups of people.
Only when he finally comes around to detailing transculturation does he give another brief narrative of the various racial and ethnic encounters at different moments in Cuban history. A Second Introduction In the same year that he published the Contrapunteo, Ortiz found him- self writing the introduction to a different kind of presentation of Afro- Cuban culture. The Havana edition included an introduction penned by Ortiz, who took credit for some of her interest in Afro-Cuban culture. Few examples of black folklore had been published prior to Cuentos negros, none intended for a mainstream audience.
We know of none that have been published as such in this country. By when Cabrera published El Monte, the study of Afro-Cuban culture occupied a more central and, to a certain extent, more accepted position in both the academic and the national imaginary, even if Afro- Cubans themselves were still socially and politically marginalized. Thanks in large part to the work of Ortiz, articles dealing with Afro-Cuban topics regularly appeared in Estudios Afrocubanos, Revista Bimestre Cubana, and other scholarly journals.
The study of Afro-Cuban culture could also be linked to a larger corpus of work on the African Diaspora in the Ameri- cas. Images of Afro-Cubans and Afro-Cuban culture were more numer- ous and more varied. At the same time, the debates over the nature of Afro-Cuban religious culture, and the role and place of Afro-Cubans in Cuban society, were far from resolved. It is interesting to observe, however, that whereas Ortiz used his preface to explain the value that could be found in studying Afro-Cuban practices, what Cabrera is actually doing in these first pages is detailing her methodology.
Writing several decades after Ortiz, Cabrera does not feel a need to justify her subject. What she does want to explain is the genesis of her text, in terms of both her own motivation and the factors that contributed to its form. While Ortiz hints at attending rituals, it is never clear from his texts how he has acquired information from primary sources. In these first paragraphs, Cabrera is clear about how she has chosen to deal with the ambiguities naturally present in gathering material from informants: The reference to generational conflict also presents the culture as living and changing, in contrast to the view espoused by earlier ethnographers that primitive cultures were largely static.
In tackling much the same mate- rial forty years later, Cabrera approaches the material in El Monte in an entirely different way. Rather than working from the outside in, she be- gins her study by moving in precisely the opposite direction, placing her reader directly at the most vital site of Afro-Cuban religious practice: Persiste en el negro cubano, con tenacidad asombrosa, la creencia en la espiritualidad del monte. As in the jungles of Africa, there live in the forests and thickets of Cuba the same ancestral deities, the same powerful spirits that still today, as in the days of the slave trade, he most fears and venerates, and on whose hostility or benevolence his successes and failures continue to depend.
In beginning a book about el Monte which operates as the bush, the accumulation of religious knowledge that these places repre- sent, and the powerful magical and medicinal plants found there , she places the reader in el Monte, as if making him or her an active witness to a ritual. The reader may not yet have a clear idea of just exactly what el Monte represents, but from these first lines he or she gains a clear idea of the strong significance of this space for Afro-Cubans.
One cannot hope to know el Monte by talk- ing around it; one must go there, enter into it, in order to understand it. So after briefly showing us what we are about to enter, the second paragraph actually stages a physical entrance into el Monte: Ortiz talks about the ways in which African religious practices have been adapted within a Cu- ban environment, but Cabrera takes us to the site of religious power itself. Rather, the performative, experiential elements of the text alternate with the discursive. As the text itself states, it is only after moving in the shadowland of the forest for a little while that we are gradually able to pick out elements and forms: She identifies the black man as able to read the signs of this magical environment, a space whose power she does not attempt to explain away.
Structurally, her text offers itself to the oricha of the crossroads, so that the other chapters of the study can follow. Although there are moral and ethical judgments expressed at various points in both her short sto- ries and the informant narratives of her ethnography, she herself rarely expresses an explicitly moral opinion on what she describes. She is able to present Afro-Cuban religious tradition as a system with its own internal coherence precisely because she makes no overarching moral judgments.
She states at one point: La moral circunstancial de nuestros paleros y santeros y la de su numerosa clientela, es el reflejo de un concepto natural de la vida que no han perdido nuestros negros. The circumstantial morality of our paleros and sante- ros and that of their numerous clientele is the reflection of a natural concept of life that our blacks have not lost.
Note, however, that her observation above about morality indicates that Afro-Cuban practice is a clearly delimited space, legitimate in its own right, but by no means constitutive of morality or society in a more general way. Cabrera seems less concerned that the reader come away with a com- plete understanding of Afro-Cuban religious practice after a reading of her work than that the reader get a sense of its integrity as a cultural sys- tem. One of the central messages that Cabrera demonstrates in her text is that integration is not the issue; these beliefs already exist in a well- integrated way within Cuban society.
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Early on in the text she discusses the nature of the word brujo, as if in direct response to Ortiz: They continue to react with the same primitive mentality as their ancestors in an environment such as ours, im- pregnated with magic to an unimaginable extent. Cabrera does not deny that Afro- Cuban practice involves what white culture would recognize as traditional witchcraft; but she also argues that these practices find a convenient fit with an urban Cuban environment. In its paternalistic and racist overtones, it shortens the distance separating both the reader and Cabrera herself from the cul- ture of study, yet it erects a class barrier that allows Cabrera to maintain a safe distance.
Afro-Cuban religion is prevalent in the cities, but its presence is controlled by class. The parts, for Ortiz, will always be subservient to the whole, and the whole is nothing less than a Cubanness in which there are encounters and exchanges rather than separate and potentially conflictive elements.
El Monte is present within the national space as a separate site, one that care- fully identifies and demarcates racial and class differences. Cabrera al- lows this sacred space its own magical and unexplained qualities precisely because racial and class differences keep it safely other. I do not believe that in doing this Cabrera is providing an alternative national model; she has simply found a way to acknowledge the integrity of Afro-Cuban culture without affirming it through white or African culture.
In Los negros brujos, but also in his later texts such as Contrapunteo, Ortiz sees his work, in a most basic sense, as an attempt to clarify the hidden and distinguishing elements of Afro-Cuban culture. The lesser degree of anxiety that Cabrera demonstrates about the loca- tion of Afro-Cuban culture within Cuban society gives her greater free- dom to represent Afro-Cuban culture more fully within the text. Ortiz argues for a Cuba in which Afro-Cubans are recognized as having had an impact on the wider Cuban culture at a historical moment in which this was subject to wide debate.
He emphatically presents both his text and himself as scholarly authorities. Tak- ing the untranslatable nature of Afro-Cuban culture as a basic character- istic of the ethnographic enterprise, she paradoxically allows us access to aspects of Afro-Cuban culture that would otherwise be inaccessible.
We are the muscle; we are the essence of the joyful echo; we are a taboo sign for our blighted role; the shadow gave us skins to cover our fear and it is a skin of shocks to know our color. As an Afro-Cuban, Arozarena is concerned that black Cubans be fully acknowledged and accepted within the national space. He also implicitly desires greater possibility for Afro-Cuban self-representation. As a Caribbean island that only gained full independence in , Cuba was not the only nation in the region to struggle with the question of how to interpret, represent, or incorporate a majority nonwhite popula- tion.
For Cuba, blackness was both the problem and the solution: Through their creative use of literary techniques and ethno- graphic viewpoints, these artist-ethnographers attempted to navigate this crucial balance.
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Cuban writing in the nine- teenth century frequently alluded to race, often through its depictions of slavery. It was only with Cuban Independence that the fledgling nation needed to create new ways of talking about race. While not rejecting such genres as the novel, the writers I analyze here work to disentangle and reexamine the coupling of nation and narration, opening up the potential of other kinds of writing in order to posit an idea of nation that takes into account the paradoxical exigencies of the Cuban situation.
Indeed, I contend that their very in-between-ness, the incorporation of multiple literary and ethnographic textual strategies, is both what makes all of these texts difficult to categorize according to tra- ditional discursive or disciplinary frameworks and what provides a key to their intended function: Haiti continued to haunt the Cuban imagination as the possibility of black uprising one carried out in a Creole vernacular , a fear that, even if unstated, fueled tensions around the issue of slavery throughout the nineteenth century.
Western sugar planters and others who opposed independence often described the conflict in racial terms, casting it as a black rebellion akin to the Haitian Revolution and warning that it would result in a moral degradation of Cuban society Ferrer 47— Afro- Cubans were artisans and craftsmen, dock workers and day laborers. Thanks to the Spanish practice of per- mitting slaves to form cabildos, cultural organizations for Africans often from the same tribe or region that also served as mutual aid societies and semi-clandestine religious centers , many African cultural and lin- guistic traditions survived into the post-Independence period.
The Platt Amendment further constrained Cuban Independence, given that it included a clause that allowed the United States to intervene again in Cuba should it deem it necessary.
At the same time, the U. Cuba was caught between its past as a Spanish colony and the heavy weight of U. In addition to the destruction of private property and pub- lic infrastructure resulting from the war for independence, Cuba had to contend with aspects of a colonial heritage that could not be assimilated as modern, in particular the relatively recent and late end to chattel slav- ery in and the presence of a racially mixed population. Despite an influx of Spanish immigrants towards the end of the nineteenth century, in the census by the U.
Many Cubans saw indepen- dence as having been achieved by the Cuban population as a whole, one in which a desire for—and a belief in—national unity transcended race. Despite the unifying cause of the independence struggle, race had been, and would continue to be, a volatile political issue. Thanks in part to the American occupation of the island, North American Jim Crow policies and accompanying racist stereotypes had entered Cuban practice and speech. The results of this were varied. The absence of a racially identified political voice strengthened the discourse that Cuba was a racial democracy and that Cubanness was fundamentally racially inclusive.
In concrete terms, however, Cuban society in the succeeding years in many ways became increasingly segregated. Black Cuban men could vote, but blacks were barred from many exclusive restaurants, hotels, and elite social establishments such as the Havana Yacht Club. In response, middle- and upper-class Cubans of color formed their own sports teams and so- cial clubs, such as the Club Atenas. Social class was one of the strongest factors in determining racial boundaries in post-Independence Cuba. Although as Moore has shown, thanks in part to the vogue of Afrocubanismo, musical forms such as the son gradually found their way into acceptance in middle-class society by the middle of the s, other African-derived musical genres, such as the carnival comparsa, continued to be limited by both official and unofficial regulation.
The first decades of the twentieth century also witnessed the birth of a new social panic: They saw Cubans as weak and dec- adent, incapable of self-governance because of biological and cultural for- mation—what literary critic Rafael Rojas has termed cubanidad negativa, negative Cubanness Isla The search for filiation is thus inherently problematic for young, postcolonial nations whose histories are based on the uprooting and encounter of multiple peoples. Yet writers in Latin America and the Hispanic Caribbean felt the pressure to measure up to European models.
In these countries, indigenista indigenist discourses were able to make use of their Indian populations symbolically, without representing or giving voice to indigenous individ- uals. The challenges of this situation help to explain why Cuban writers came to employ both emergent ethnographic and literary textual strategies in their revalorization of Afro-Cuban culture as the source for an idea of Cu- banness. Both ethnography and literature offered specific possibilities for negotiating these constructions. Nonetheless, the history of these discourses, and their relationship to race in an international context, also presented particular challenges.
When it first emerged as a subfield of anthropology in the late nine- teenth century, ethnography distinguished itself from other branches of social science through its identification with the methodological practice of fieldwork. Thanks to the work of pioneering cultural anthropologists such as Franz Boas and Bronislaw Malinowski, ethnographic fieldwork was anchored in the idea of extensive observation of the culture or com- munity of study in situ.
As James Clifford has shown, the idea of fieldwork itself became an increasingly professionalized one, anchored in academic discipline. The contact zone refers most directly to the experience of colonialism, but it also describes the negotiations that take place in an encounter between an ethnographer and his or her subjects and informants.
Contact zones are also not limited to the experience of colonialism; in Cuba, social asymmetries and cultural clashes remained equally if not more intense in the contact zone of post-emancipation, neocolonial society, in which class, race, and gender continued to operate in concert to produce unequal relationships. Yet here I suggest that autoethnography needs to take into account the predicament of postcolonial nations, in which multiple fields of power operate simultaneously.
On the one hand, social class and race separated writers such as Cabrera and Carpentier from their subjects; on the other hand, their writing seeks to represent aspects of Cuban culture for a public that was implicitly international not to say imperial , and their texts seek to find local uses for and local responses to dominant metropolitan paradigms. Yet it was during the U. At that time, the preferred an- thropological methodologies were not participant-centered ethnography, but eugenics and criminology.
Influenced by the evolutionary theories of Darwin and Lamarck, eugenicists argued that human identity was pro- foundly shaped by biology and heredity, and that inherited traits had as much or more of an effect on society than learned behaviors. As Nancy Leys Stepan has shown, the eugenicist belief in the bio- logical superiority of the white race had a significant impact on nations throughout Latin America, where the racial make-up of the population was cause for anxiety among national elites.
Race and the Metropole Even as the ideas of biological racial superiority put forth by eugenics and criminology were enjoying popularity among some Latin American social scientists, they were in direct contrast to the prevailing fascination with culture as a construct and with ideas of the primitive in vogue among liter- ary and artistic avant-gardes in the early twentieth century. In France, Guillaume Apollinaire and Paul Guillaume cultivated an interest in African art that was taken up by members of the Dada and Surrealist movements.
Visual artists such as Pablo Picasso and Constantin Brancusi began to utilize elements of African design in their painting and sculpture. Embracing the primitive, in an artistic sense, was viewed as a way to si- multaneously reject current social norms and the trajectory of Western civilization and to return to something that could be identified as a kind of essentialized, instinctual human nature Pavloska.
This relationship was easily adapted by European avant-garde writers, who were attracted to blackness precisely because it articulated an idea of exotic difference. For European avant-gardes, this was a time when the arts and this budding branch of anthropology were mutually influential in their deployment of a public desire for the primitive. Documents, a Surrealist journal, published accounts by ethnographers such as Marcel Mauss and Michel Leiris together with African and African-influenced photographs and drawings by artists such as Alberto Giacometti.
The European fascination with blackness could be problematic for Ca- ribbean writers, but it also created a productive space for them. Europe, and Paris in particular, provided a key place for transnational and cross- cultural encounters for artists and writers from across Africa, Latin Amer- ica, and the Caribbean. These exchanges shifted the meaning of blackness within a transnational context, even as Cuban writers were working to locate it within the space of the nation.
While they might be separated from what they identified as Afro-Cuban culture— and from black Cubans themselves—by divisions of race or class, Cuban writers who chose to explore Afro-Cuban culture in their texts were none- theless writing about national subjects with whom they shared public and private space.
Both the areas of daily living and the narrative space of the nation were contact zones, in which these writers had to navigate posi- tions of distance from and also situations of intimacy with their subjects. Feedback News Request a quote. Customer support Customer consultant Shopping guide. Check order Account Login Register. Men Clothing Shoes Jewelry Watches. Girls Clothing Shoes Jewelry Watches. Boys Clothing Shoes Watches Accessories. Baby Baby Girls Baby Boys.
Request a quote Favorite. Griffin, former head of the Spanish section, was largely responsible for the production of Unit Hugo Montero and Ismael Silva-Fuenzalida, former members of the staff, contributed in several units to the Basic Sentences and reading selections respectively. Of the present staff, these persons have made specially valuable contributions: Except as above noted, the general format of the book is that established in the preceding three volumes, edited by Robert P. Donald Bowen, and Ismael Silva-Fuenzalida. Lack of construction corre1ation.
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Substitution dri11 Tense substitution. The per iphrastic conditiona Substitution dri11 - Construction substitution. Stem changing verbs in Past 1. The present progressive construction with a1ternate conjugated verbs The future tense and the future perfect construction Gender in pronouns after phrase re1ators. Eng1ish-Spanish 1ack of construction corre1ations Patterned response dri11 1. Patterned response dri11 Rev iew dr i 11 s Spanish second person familiar conunands Past 1 and Past 11 in contrast Cormnands with velar stem extended verbs Patterned response drill 1.
Translation drill - paired sentences.. Subjunctive after c1ause re1ators Reading selection - La Boda Sorne common derivational suffixes. The noun-and-adjective-forming suffixes -ante and - i ente.. The noun-forming suffix -ista.. The adjective-forming suffix -oso a.. Response dri11 - Content review of units Reading se1ection - El Cine y la. Jose Molina, who is sick in bed, is visited by a doctor. Doctor, 1 don't know what's wrong with me. How long have you been feeling this way? For three days leve had a headache that 1 can't get rid of. Your eyes are red.
Tiene los ojos irritados. Your throat is inflamed. Creo que tengo fiebre. Put the thermometer in your mouth. Let's the cough Jose: Last night 1 couldn't sleep. Does your chest hurt? A ver el pulso. Anoche no pude dormir. What have I got, doctor? What you have is a severe case of flu. Stay in bed a couple of days. Lo que tiene es una gripe fuerte. And that prescription, what sort of medicine is it? Itls just sorne lozenges. Son solamente unas pastillas. It occurs frequently in the following sentences. Parts of the body and items of clothing characteristically take the possessive adjective in English but not in Spanish.
Mass nouns in English are, for example, water, butter, bread, sand, but not fever, cough. You can say He has a fever, but not He has a water. His ideas are the same as mine i. John's ideas are the s ame ones I have always hado 4 Las ideas de Juan son las mismas que yo he tenido siempre. That suit is the same as looks like mine. That certificate is the same as this one. I don't think these are the same as those. It seems to me that that suit is the same as looks like the one I used to have. The trouble is that the certificate they gave me is just like the one I have already. I don't think these houses here are the same as like the ones we saw the other day.
When it comes to studying, you're just like your older brother. One might as well die of hunger as work there i. Look, your shoes are in the same shaPe as mine!
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It is all the same to me whether I give or receive. We too had to pass through Buenos Aires, just as you did. When two terms are said to stand for the same thing s , Spanish uses el la, los, las mismo misma, mismos, mismas que. When things are said to have sorne feature or quality in the same degree, Spanish uses igual iguales que. Igual que, meaning 'just as', is also used when a following verb is implied Example 15, above. In this adverbial use, igual is invariable. Estas cosas que le pasan a Ud. My tie is just like John's.
Mi corbata es igual a la de Juan. The buttons are different. You're getting to be just like your brother. Hemos venido a trabajar, igual que ustedes. Voy a tener que buscar casa, igual que usted. Observe that frequently Spanish el mismo que with a following verb corresponds to English the same one that: When the same as is used to mean that something looks just like something else, that is, when one thing is matched against another and seen to resemble it, igual a is used: Notice that the comparison is strictly a matter of resemblance. When objects are said to be alike with respect to sorne particular feature, that is, to have sorne quality or characteristic in the same degree, Spanish uses igual es que: Notice also that igual que may be used adverbiallY,meaning 'just as, in the same way as': Han sufrido igual que nosotros 'They suffered just as we did'; Han venido para robar igual que los otros 'They carne to steal, just like the others'.
The gir1s are waiting for them. The students don't understand. The students don't understand perhaps the teacher does. No entienden los estudiantes. The history of Sur1andia has not been written. Then the ambassador began to read. An animal 1ike that has never been seen. No se ha escrito la historia de Sur1andia. Carpenters like that don't exist any more. No existen ya carpinteros de ese tipo.
They all used to work eight hours. Trabajaban todos ocho horas. It isn't easy to sell a house like that. My mother called me. The milkman brings it to me. El lechero me la lleva. The placard fell on top of hirn. What was Jose doj. Well, Carlos Jose was driving. In English statements, the subject normally precedes the verbo In Spanish, both the order subject-verb and the order verb-subject are cornmon. In Spanish, new information whether the idea is contained in the subject or in the verb regularly comes in second place. The strongest stress of a phrase always falls on new information.
Se rompi6 la raqueta. The revolution broke out. Su tia se muri6. Se muri6 su tia. D1az el jefe Rosa los nifios las sefioras Gastaron mucho las sefioras. Se rampi6 la raqueta. Se vendi6 la casa. This has sornetimes led to the conclusion that Spanish word order is relatively free. Since this is so, word order turns out to be, in a sense, part of the grarnrnar and rnust be understood and used correctly. Spanish word order organizes the elernents of a sentence subject, verb, verb rnodifiers so as to show what part of the sentence is new inforrnation relative to other parts of the sarne sentence.
New inforrnation tends to come toward the end of a phrase. Thus the unernphatic sentence The ambassador spoke rnay appear as either: El embajador habl6 or as Habl6 el embajador, neither forrn containing tences are different in a sentence with what is or the verbo This sets in a high pitch level of ernphasis on the final syllable. But the two Spanish senwhat they irnply and are not truly interchangeable.
This is because Spanish begins felt to be known or taken for granted in the context, whether this is the subject the scene or establishes the topic about which sornething will be specified. Thus, El embajador habl6, we begin by saying that we are going to talk about the ambassador, and then we specify what he did.
In Habl6 el embajador, however, we begin by saying that sorneone spoke, and then we specify who it was. In the first sentence, it would seern that the ambassador was already being talked about, whereas in the second sorne context where speaking rnight be expected is suggested and then the narrowing, specifying inforrnation as to who spoke is added. The introduction of specially ernphatic new inforrnation rnay sornetirnes alter the above pattern, since unusual ernphasis rnay be indicated in Spanish,as in English, rnerely by a high pitch level rather than by word order.
However, this is a detail on which we need not dwell at this point. First the meato 3 Primero la carne. The consul hasn't come yet. No pude dormir anoche. The principIes governing the placing of such verb modifiers are essentially the same as those controlling the order of subject and verb: Conozco ya a mis vecinos. Decidimos la fecha ayer. Nos damos cuenta de eso ahora. Hay dos cuartos abajo. Te vengo a buscar a las cuatro. No vamos a ese lugar nunca. Discussion of pattern A verb modifier, whether a single word or a short phrase, may qualify the apply to the whole utterance. In John paints beautifully, beautifully specifies how is performed.
In John painted yesterday, yesterday may be thought of as applying to John painted. Indeed, we could say Yesterday John painted, but this order could not example. However, as in the case of subject and verb, the basic principIe is still one of new or important information versus what is more or less given as the informational starting point.
As always, Spanish sentences tend to be constructed in the order of increasing newness of information. The ranking of elements becomes rather complicated in detail, but the student will observe that, while in sorne sentences many orders are often possible, the principIe is always as stated. As in the case of subject-verb versus verb-subject, it is often not possible to reflect these differences in English, but you should make every effort to accept the variations that occur and to develop a sense for the possibilities.
For further exarnples, see section Entrarnos en la oficina. No confiarnos en ese empleado. Yo no me acuerdo de sus padres. Siempre nos acordamos de sus chistes. Stem changing verbs in present tense 1 He has lunch here, but we have lunch in a restaurant. El no puede venir, pero nosotros si podemos. El recuerda todo, pero nosotros no recordamos nada. El quiere pastel, pero nosotros queremos vino. El se siente mejor, pero nosotros nos sentimos igual que antes.
El piensa buscar una casa, pero nosotros pensamos buscar un apartamento. El tiene tanta como Ud. El maneja menos que yo. Me imagino que va a hacer tanto hoy como ayer. El firma tantos como yo. Pablo hizo menos que Juan. Jaramillo desea viajar tan pronto corno reciba la visa.
El grupo volvi6 a reunirse en el Sa16n Marino. Fue una idea excelente haberlo invitado a ser nues- --Cuando Ud. Hombres de negocios y representantes de empresas privadas de los Estados Unidos habian sido invitados a exponer sus puntos de vista con respecto a estos problemas. El dia martes, por ejemplo, Ralph Phillips habia ofrecido un almuerzo a un grupo de delegados. Furnero, mujer de alcurnia, ya no muy joven, fundadora y presidenta de varias sociedades de beneficencia y para quien la comidilla social inspiraba en su exuberante figura indefinibles sentimientos de placer.
No es que quiera hablar mal de ella, porque en el fondo somos muy buenas amigas Llego a llorar cuando me acuerdo Y yo que tengo la presi6n tan alta En muchos sentidos, lo mismo puede decirse de Portugal. Sea cual fuere la soluci6n, es inescapable el hecho de que deben invertirse grandes capitales para dar un verdadero impulso al desarrollo econ6mico latinoamericano.
Lo anterior presenta un complejo problema cuya soluci6n se ha visto afectada por innumerables factores. Aunque a largo plazo el crecimiento de la poblaci6n y de la riqueza nacional llegue a crear nuevas necesidades y mayores oportunidades, la experiencia indica que, en el entretanto, sigue existiendo una tendencia a regimentar la entrada de capitales para dar a los intereses locales ventajas especiales.
Como ejemplo de lo anterior tenemos las corporaciones de fomento general y los "institutos" o "empresas" destinadas a regular el desarrollo de una industria determinada. En algunos casos, la tendencia es hacia el total monopolio gubernamental. En todo caso, es prematuro dar por sentado que, debido al crecimiento de la influencia gubernamental en un tipo de actividad cualquiera, el gobierno va a seguir inexorablemente por el camino del control total. En efecto, la experiencia y la responsabilidad asumida por los gobiernos en el terreno industrial han tenido, en muchos casos, un efecto morigerador respecto a una politica exagerada de intervenci6n oficial.
En otros casos, no se les permite un control mayoritario en las empresas. En ciertas zonas, la posesi6n de tierras o la participaci6n en empresas mineras o forestales en regiones fronterizas, por ejemplo, requieren la obtenci6n previa de Permisos especiales. Con respecto a esta participaci6n o control nacional, es necesario dejar en claro que en el caso de algunos paises y de algunas industrias lo anterior es aconsejable en cierta medida: Los temores de muchos inversionistas con respecto a la nacionalizaci6n o a la repentina expropiaci6n de sus bienes han aumentado considerablemente con la adopci6n, por parte de las Naciones Unidas, en , de una resoluci6n sobre el "derecho de explotar libremente las riquezas y recursos naturales".
En los casos en que el importador puede demostrar buena fe, la multa puede ser reducida y en raras oportunidades hasta anulada por las autoridades superiores: En un porcentaje no despreciable de casos, las dificultades son originadas por los mismos inversionistas. Un observador, el Dr. Wallich, dice lo siguiente respecto de este problema: Juan and Jose discuss language. Hey, White, at last! Excuse me, Jose, but l had to rush out. Constructions not actually occurring in the Basic Sentences are indented and enclosed in brackets.
No, nothing mucho They wanted me to serve as interpreter for an engineer who had just arrived. But what do you know about engineering? That's why it appeared likely that sorne difficulties would come up, but when I arrived, there he was chatting with Jaime Bustamante. But that guy doesn't speak a single word of English! But it turned out the gentleman spoke Spanish much better than Ido. You know the language perfectly.
Don't keep pestering me with that stuff about pronunciation. Yours isn't any bargain. La tuya no es ninguna maravilla. How is it POssible for me to speak my own language badly? All right, don't be offended. You know perfectly well that they speak a somewhat odd dialect here. Bueno, no te ofendas. But don't you remember that yesterday you admitted to me that people don't always speak correctly in this country? Well, it wasn't quite like that, but rather 1 told you that here sorne things are different from the Spanish of Madrid.
They say American Spanish is more like Andalusian. Pues no fue precisamente asi, sino que te dije que aqui hay ciertas diferencias con el castellano de Madrid. Now 1 remember, but you promised that when you had time you were going to explain it to me. Ahora si me acuerdo, pero me prometiste que cuando tuvieras tiempo me lo ibas a explicar. Because when 1 first met you 1 could hardly understand you.
Everything was a sort of hurnming of sounds, so that 1 could catch only half of what you were saying to me. Well, let's drop all that. Let's go out, do you want to? Which is your hat? Te confieso que para el extranjero puede que nuestra manera de hablar sea un poco turbia, pero no es para tanto, amigo. What did you say?
Spanish often uses a preposition plus a noun instead of an adverb in -mente and often when English would use -1Y. Thus en absoluto means 'absolutely not'. Like such negatives as nada, nunca, etc. We were hoping there wouldn't be an inspection. But he didn't allow them to keep on talking about it. Didn't you tell me to tell you the truth? They suggested we sPeak to them in English. She asked us to give her more time. Nor was it certain they would come. It was very imPOrtant that nothing unexpected should happen.
It wasn't to be expected that they would guarantee such an old caro 14 No era de esperar que garantizaran un coche tan antiguo. It wasn't a good idea for us to stay longer. Rather it was a matter of selecting an officer who was well known in the country. I was going to tell it to Gloria when I saw her. We took them up to the balcony so they could see better.
We decided not to promise them anything unless they agreed to help USo 25 Decidimos no prometerles nada a menos que se comprometieran a ayudarnos. Apparently the boss didn't want to explain it to me until he knew the details better. We had to go wherever they might send uso 27 Teniamos que ir a donde nos mandaran. They were going to operate on him as soon as he arrived at the hospital. They told me to get out of the water before I caught another cold.
It was impossible for them to build it without our giving them a loan. It mattered little to him how we did it provided we notified him of our plans. The past subjunctive of all verbs is formed on the 3 pI of the Past l. There are no exceptions. The past subjunctive endings are unstressed. The stress of the 3 pI Past l is retained on the same syllable of all Past Subjunctive forms, i. Note that this requires a written accent mark in the 1 pI formo c. The -ra endings are used in both Latin America and Spain.
Papeles del doctor Angélico by Armando Palacio Valdés - Free Ebook
The -se endings are frequently heard in Spain, but not in Latin America. Luisa esperaba que Ud. Luisa esperaba que el teniente comiera algo. Era posible que YQ. Gloria Era posible que Gloria no pudiera ir. Fue mejor que YQ. Pepe Fue mejor que Pepe no durmiera tanto. Yo lo sabia antes de que Ud. Juan Yo lo sabia antes de que Juan me lo dijera. Yo lo sab1a antes de que Marta y Ana me lo dijeran.
Iba a quedarse hasta que viniera el jefe. Iba a quedarse hasta que viniera Mario. Iba a quedarse hasta que vinieran Uds. Luisa quiere que yo le ayude. Luisa quer1a que yo le ayudara. El coronel ordena que Uds. Yo esperaba Yo esperaba que el mayor me diera permiso. Me alegro de que salgamos en seguida. Es muy importante que Ud. Necesito hablar con una persona que sepa traducir. Aceptaba el dinero, no importaba la forma en que viniera.
Podemos escoger el que nos guste. No hay nada que pueda servirte. Sabe un poco de cualquier asunto que hables. No lo iba a creer, aunque fuera verdad. Lo arreglo de modo que no tenga que preocuparse. Hubo que pagarles bien. No iba a haber fiesta, a menos que dejara de llover. Queria recordarle la fecha antes de que se le olvidara. Hubo que pagarles bien para que siguieran trabajando aqui. No era posible que llegaran a tiempo, a menos que tomaran el tren de las ocho. Patterned response drill Students A and B Instructor Le dijo que entrara. Les dijo que comieran.
Le pidi6 que buscara las llaves. Les dijo que fueran solos. Te dijo que te levantaras. Le pidi6 que tradujera la carta. Te dijo que te pusieras el abrigo. Te dijo que oyeras las noticias. Les dijo que salieran ahora. Te dijo que le dijeras lo que pas6. Me dijo que leyera el peri6dico. Me dijo que me vistiera ahora.
Me dijo que le trajera un sandwich. Eso es lo que Ud. Answer questions affirmatively unless a negative response is cued. Los Robinson heredaron la casa. S1, quer1a que heredaran la casa. Las chicas se diviertieron mucho. S1, eSPeraba que se divirtieran mucho. Ellos fueron a discutirlo con el agregado. S1, les dije que fueran a discutirlo con el agregado. Ellos no pudieron convencerla. S1, era probable que no pudieran convencerla.
Su esposa se puso nerviosa. El nuevo jefe fue muy amable. De eso se alegraron Uds. El profesor se comprometi6 a ayudar a Juan. Dos personas murieron en el ataque. Duerme por lo menos ocho horas todas las noches. No, no creia que se les olvidara llenar las solicitudes. Si, nos alegramos de que fuera muy amable. Si, Juan esperaba que el profesor se comprometiera a ayudarlo. Si, pidi6 que no le dijeran nada del accidente. Si, lo malo fue que murieran dos personas en el ataque. Si, mand6 que durmiera por lo menos ocho horas todas las noches.
Hay alguien en nuestra oficina que sabe traducir los documentos. Por fin tenemos a alguien que nos ayuda. No, no habia nadie en mi oficina que supiera traducirlos. Vamos a hacer lo que ellos nos manden. Se lo van a dar al que gane. Pablo los llev6 a un lugar que les gust6 mucho. Le pagan un sueldo que le permite vivir bien. S1, pidi6 que le pagaran un sueldo que le permitiera vivir bien. Discussion of pattern We have already seen how the present subjunctive is used in noun clauses Units 37 and 38 t in noun modifying clauses unit 40 , and in verb modifying clauses Units 41 and In this Unit the student should observe that the past subjunctive is regularly found in these same constructions when the reference is to a past time.
A orillas del río Piedra me senté y lloré (Spanish Edition)
Note the following contrastive pairs: No hay nadie que me ayude. Me lo va a explicar cuando tenga tiempo. Me dijo que me lo iba a explicar cuando tuviera tiempo. If the main verb refers to past time, the dePendent verb is usually in the past subjunctive. This does not always hold true, however, since basically the tense of the subjunctive verb is deterroined by the time to which the speaker is referring in that part of the sentence.
Thus such patterns as the following occur: Siento que no pudieran ir. El me pidi6 que hiciera el trabajo. El me pidi6 que haga el trabajo. Both sentences have the sarne translation into English.