Langues et Identités au Sénégal (Études africaines) (French Edition)

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In , the subprefecture of Bandafassi estimated there were less than speakers of Menik left in the area of Kedougou. Menik is a national language of Senegal.

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It was codified in , including a decree on spelling and word separation. This decree sets a graphic code and convention basis that rule the spelling of the language. Following codification , however, hardly anything has been done for the Menik language, likewise other languages of Senegal.

The codification and recognition of minority languages as national languages have no significant impact on their promotion or proliferation as such. Thus a large majority of Bedik is at least bilingual very few exceptions either in Menik-Fula or Menik-Malinke, and sometimes trilingual in Mebnik-Fula-French. Menik is not used in the media. The creation of a Menik script was made possible thanks to the work of missionaries. Among other studies on Bedik culture and Menik language:. Ferry Marie-Paule et Erik Guignard Ferry Marie-Paule et Pierre Rauscher, These were the first moves towards the Islamic wars that tore Senegambia apart in the second half of the century.

One of these leaders was Alpha Molo Balde, also known as Molo Eggue, a convert to Islam and ally of Bundu and Fouta Jallon, who in the early s began to negotiate military and economic collaboration with the British and the French.


The French were at Sedhiou, the fort they constructed in on the north bank of the Casamance River. This collaboration, marked by treaties signed in and , ended in , when Musa left his capital of Hamdallay, located north of the contemporary city of Kolda, to seek refuge in the part of Fuladu that he had ceded to British Gambia in The first section of this study reconstructs the vision of freedom that Molo and Musa subscribed to by drawing on ethnography—specifically early accounts on Fuladu and Fulbe social organization that were written by the British and French on the basis of local information 25 —as well as oral history, collected both in The Gambia and Senegal since the s.

The third section explores the battles for citizenship of the s. The political leaders of this period pressed for liberation from colonial rule in terms of emancipation from slavery.

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As made clear by a census carried out for the first development plan of Senegal, 32 freed slaves and slave descendants constituted more than half of the population of the present Kolda region in the late s. This situation opens a window on the emancipation struggles that developed locally in relation to anti-colonial mobilization and debates over citizenship. Their hero was Yoro Kande, a young schoolteacher who built upon the historical tradition of Molo and Musa to raise the civil awareness of—and a sense of historical agency among—freed slaves and slave descendants.

I hope that this anthropological history paves the ways to appreciating the variety of ways in which ordinary people moved along the uneven paths of emancipation and experienced the unfreedom that was consequential to the conquest of freedom. Outraged by Mandinka pillaging, the Fulbe capitalized on the support of Fouta Djallon and Bundu to liberate themselves.

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Boubacar Barry and Martin Klein have integrated this vision by underlining Fulbe internal hierarchies. The opposite of foroyaa was jongyaa: The slave was called jongo plur. Fulfulde vocabulary on freedom is richer. There are at least three interrelated ways to speak about freedom. It also identified freemen plur.

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This kind of self-mastery is one of the pillars of ndimaaku freedom. The fuldebbo 43 acted kindly towards all people, confronted stoically the adversities of life, helped kin and kindred, and ensured that the new generations learned the values of ndimakuu. The wealthy Fulbe were ruling the fula jongo with the help of the Mandinka.

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It seems that the Mandinka had entrusted all the Fulbe areas to them, and that they were advising the Mandinka. This is how they came to have slaves. The wealthy Fulbe would go to villages, capture children there and bring them to their town, to raise them up. When they grew up, they worked for the Fulbe and were referred to as fula jongo.

Some others dwelled at a short distance. Still others—as was the rule in Fouta Djallon—built up separate communities: The same could happen to the cattle of the dimo wives and children.

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Each social category needed the other: Their relation also had moral implications: One had to be born dimo in order to learn and display ndimakuu freedom, and only a dimo was a true Fulbe: Did Molo and Musa ever claim this kind of freedom for themselves? Their intention was to claim ndimaaku through actions rather than words. The preferred partner was always a cousin, either from the maternal or paternal side.

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Men could marry slave women and women from other ethnic groups, as purity of origins depended on the social qualities of the father. Fighting enhanced the social cohesion of combatants as much as their emancipation: A new model of freemen emerged based on the idea that the qualities of a person did not depend on ancestry but rather destiny, moral and physical strength, and to some extent sacrifice.

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